Carole Boyce Davies, Florida International University
In a recent presentation (March 16, 2006) at Florida International University (FIU) on “Miami: The Global City,” Saskia Sassen describes Miami as a global city because it serves as a kind of launching point for Latin America and the Caribbean and has connections to a range of other international locations. Indeed Cape Florida, Key Biscayne, in Miami, has recently been marked as a South-South station on the Underground Railroad the final US location for a number of enslaved Africans marooning, fleeing further south, that is, in the opposite direction of the mythical northward journey of the Underground Railroad. According to Rosalyn Howard, records indicate a sighting of over two hundred enslaved Africans heading by boat towards Red Bay in the Bahamas in 1841.
But Miami is also the receiving point for successive waves of migrants to the United States from the Caribbean, Latin America, and Africa. From the historic balseros to the contemporary Cuban boat people and the already unequal “wet foot/dry foot” policy, to the Haitians often arriving also by boat, and remaining always “wet foot,” detained at Chrome and other detention centers, to the more “legal/illegal” migrations, Miami, as with other major US cities, ends up with a diverse population of international peoples. The links between Chrome [immigration detention facility] and Guantánamo Bay are explicit now, both detention sites for US policies of official inequity. And according to recent statistics, South Florida is now the place of a new wave of repopulating, hurricanes notwithstanding, in which a record one thousand people a day move into the state. Given our philosophy that a program in an area must meet the needs of its community in its design, research, and delivery, what kind of Africana Studies program does one build in such a location?
From our point of view, the African-New World Studies Program (ANWS) at FIU—a new program, funded in 1994, and with a first national search director in 1997—ANWS has been able, in a short time, to move ahead of the other six programs in the state, to capture these specific movements in order to build an African Diaspora Studies program that is responsive to these community movements. On the one hand, it recognizes the leadership of US African Americans in the struggle for rights, but also the losses, such as via 2000 disenfranchisement; it engages the presence of the Haitian communities here to talk about the early struggles and creativity of Africans in the New World, always trying to make the point of the symbolic and political links between the Haitian Revolution (1798–1804) and the Cuban Revolution (1959) in a place which has no tolerance for even hearing the name Fidel Castro. Navigating the experiences of Afro-Cubans has therefore been with major challenges, as there is a tendency to suggest that there was no racism in Cuba until Fidel, and/or an acceptance of the complete erasure of Afro-Cubans as an identity, even as they are visibly in our presence. The racism against Afro-Latin American communities then is almost a given—the cynical racism that the Afro-Brazilians talk about to the more overt and oppressive exclusions described above. The broader Anglophone Caribbean Diaspora and their cultural and political interests and advancements also figure prominently.
Challenges Which Indicate The Directions For Future Study
The institutional challenges to Africana Studies are well-known, and we share those that exist nationally insofar as they remain part of US racism’s superstructure. We exist collectively in a field organized to counter a massive edifice of hegemonic Eurocentric knowledge, a primary manifestation of which is a willful institutional ignorance which often dominates; a field therefore adversarial by definition. This means that administrators and colleagues from other units may be too uninformed, unwilling, ill-equipped, or otherwise unable to represent the interests of these units in ways that are to our benefit.
There is a phrase that the US uses openly to frame its subordination of the rest of the world: “It is not in US interests to… .” A similar pattern is identified in these institutions: “It is not in the institution’s larger interests to [represent the needs of Black Studies].” A frightening corollary arises when those subordinated also buy into the institutional logic. One consistently fights an uphill battle while the university continues to move on to its “more important” matters, matters in which we are never or rarely included. In this context, the very dangerous Chronicle of Higher Education essay proclaiming the demise of Black Studies is often seen as a kind of red flag, or an indication of a trend, which means that universities do not have to consider our needs seriously anymore; or if there is a problem within the program, to suggest a solution along the lines of what happened at NYU. An equal time insistence seems to be relevant from leading institutions when these articles appear or they get cited by deans as part of their legitimate handling of relevant units.
Re-examining Activism and the Black Radical Intellectual Tradition
Africana Studies itself has not been able to live up to its original intent; instead it is caught in a wave of professionalization that began in the mid-1980s. According to Sylvia Wynter, in her essay “On How We Mistook the Map for the Territory, and Re-Imprisoned Ourselves in Our Unbearable Wrongness of Being…,” once Black Studies entered the very order of knowledge it had contested, something different happened. This something different was indeed an attempt to operate by the standards of the academy, to get people tenured, promoted, to acquire the prizes of the academy such as named chairs, often with names that are highly suspect and/or insulting. Above all, buying into the same epistemological frameworks has been one of its errors. Indeed the issue raised here regarding sustainability is involved: i.e., sustaining the gains we have acquired, but still not able to articulate fully the terms of our humanity.
The organic link between politics and intellectual work has been ruptured somewhere along the way and needs to be repaired urgently. Students in graduate school need to be able to maintain the passion and mission that they have when they enter grad school and not be so terrorized by the process that they are no longer able to function politically and instead simply accommodate, like pledges, once they enter the professoriate. And at the national level, too often there is no major organized Black academic community response to pressing issues—from the elections in South Florida to Katrina, to the issues of immigration and the racial profiling of the “war on terrorism.” The Bill Cosby/Michael Eric Dyson duel over the demeaning of urban poor Black communities remains just that, a media struggle between two different individual positions as asserted by two Black men. There is no organizational position, or at least no media coverage of one.
The delinking of the combining of activism and scholarship which had marked the beginning moment of Black Studies has meant that once new faculty enter the institution, they are met with the specter of not getting tenure and are cautioned to keep their heads low, finish a book, and stay out of the way. This means that we literally lose a whole generation or two of young scholars, as there is no guarantee that after tenure, they will suddenly return to activism. In fact it is virtually impossible, as these seven years serve as a period of re-socialization away from activism and these young faculty in turn miss at least six classes of students who need to be cultivated. The days of young professors who benefited from their youth, language, and closeness to student life, as well as working in tandem with Black students’ organizations, have virtually disappeared.
At least one or two generations were lost in the drive toward professionalism, which privileged rapid publication to meet institutional mandates. Thus, it is not uncommon for departments to say that young Black faculty should not be involved in service, but should get their publications done and get tenure. The result is often a faculty with no tradition of service to department, campus, or community. The way that this relates to knowledge production is that it ruptures the organic link between theory and practice, intellectual work and activism that has been the hallmark of our scholars. The kind of knowledge that is produced through this practice is an energetic scholarship that often results in the rapid production of mediocre manuscripts.
From our experience with this question, faculty issues have been perhaps the most difficult. One makes tremendous headway with small numbers of committed faculty. At times a program depends on a few committed faculty members while others remain always peripheral, sometimes unresponsive and uninterested, doing neither research nor activism. In other situations, much of the work of the program is carried out by the women faculty and some affiliated faculty members who have deep commitment to the field of Africana Studies. And thereby is identified another problem: The academy in its present incarnation has developed a number of faculty members who take advantage of the space opened by Africana research to develop research projects in a related area, but have no knowledge of the political, social, and intellectual intent of Africana Studies as a field, nor do they either understand, know about, care about, or respond to its history. Some of these are people who came from other locations and class positions, are found ready-made structures that they could aid in dismantling, not realizing or caring about the nature of struggle that went into their creation. Another group represents new faculty who are largely unaware of the ’60s movements to create Black Studies, young and idealistic but uninformed. The result is faculty who work on “Black subjects” but who have no commitment to the larger field. One young white scholar who works in African history even announced that if they closed our program, it would not affect him.
Related to this lack of historical context, to counter charges of insularity, the wide-scale opening-up of Black Studies means that it is possible to get, in an applicant pool for an Africana Studies position, young white scholars (often touted as top of the pool if one uses the institution’s indices) who may have mastered the particular subject of their research but who have no other larger knowledge of the field, its communities, connections, scholars, and scholarship in Africana Studies.
For the sustainability of Black Studies into the twenty-first century, then, the organic link between activism and intellectual work has to be readdressed and even made attractive for young scholars. This ought not to mean the sacrificing of intellectual work, but the history of the ways in which these coexisted needs to be examined and reasserted. The organizational skills of a prior generation of activists are disappearing. Current faculty often do not know what to do when attacked by white colleagues; may complain later but do not have direct and affirmative responses to overt racism. And even worse, departments are sometimes cannibalizing themselves, as in one Africana Studies program that has decided to censure one of its faculty for calling out a “white boy” student who was behaving in a particularly obnoxious way. There is a Black radical intellectual tradition that we can all learn from to reconfigure for a new age. Tenure once meant that one was free to articulate political positions. Instead the drive has become, within the consumer culture model, to make it up the professoriate ladder. Students, untutored as they are, themselves make few demands.
Examining the Impact of Creolization and Hybridity Discourses
Relatedly, discourses of hybridity and creolization have created a framework that has reified a kind of Mulatto Studies. This notion of “mulatto studies” is not meant to refer to or demean particular biracial identities, but to identify a kind of grotesque framework being privileged, one that operates out of the logic of a “cultural void” which Pedro Noguera calls “Anything but Black.” It also refers to the ambiguous location of a kind of study that tries to represent “in-betweenity” in the postmodern/cultural studies sense as proposed by Homi Bhabha and others, who, in their home context, have not even addressed the fact that there are Indo-Africans (Siddis) horribly subordinated and marginalized by the same upper castes from which some of our definers of hybridity come. “‘Hybridity’ is the discourse of the compromised bourgeois intellectual” says Kum Kum Sangari. According to the immediate post-enslavement logic, the intent was to create precisely a “hybrid” population, who did not necessarily belong any more to Africa but who tried now to settle themselves accordingly in the new location without reference to a past. This is precisely what Black Studies and its contemporary political movements intervened to correct, returning through the back door with this new cultural hybridity framework as theoretical model, and it has to be subjected to more scrutiny than it has to date. While we study and understand creolization, the danger is in its becoming an overarching framework with no allegiance to any type of Black positioning, therefore operating at the behest of dominating systems already in place. Institutions, within the structure of US racism, often massage and/or encourage pathological behavior so that dysfunctional tendencies, sometimes even insanities, are normalized within the framework of “lowered [Black] expectations.”
In these contexts, having standards of excellence becomes a direct challenge to the normalizing of bad behavior. Often the sympathy is with the one acting out. University structures like sexual harassment workshops can be ignored as they are not union-mandated. To the extent that they can characterize Black Studies as sites of dysfunctional behavior, places of “unrest,” then they can avoid the commitment to the larger issues of faculty building, curriculum development, and student educational needs throughout the university. In the future, then, sustaining Black Studies will depend on creating a new cohort of scholars who are able to more dynamically bring back together the link between activism and scholarship.
Class, Immigration, and Globalization–Black Human Rights Internationally
The recent activism of Latino peoples against the proposed criminalization of migrant workers (2006) has thrown into sharp relief the absence of mass activism of Black peoples in the United States around a series of rights being gradually denied. The various million peoples marches did not target concrete issues or these were not translated appropriately. African Americans are portrayed as sometimes taking an anti-immigrant stand and immigrants see their own local populations as more and more disenfranchised without being able to rely on the traditional systems to account for their rights. Perhaps it may be necessary to revisit some of the earlier proposals such as the Black Panther Party “Ten-Point Program,” which deals at its core with Black human rights. A number of documents from the past may need to be re-addressed in order to understand what has been gained, what has been proposed, and what has been lost.
Still it would be myopic to chart a domestic/national program that has nothing to do with Black people internationally when there is so much movement of Black people internationally, while the US, in its imperial desires, assumes the right to cross anybody’s borders, invade at will, without regard for the sovereignty of those nation-states. Most scholars agree that the various migration flows to the US are propelled on the one hand by global policies which encourage and accompany the migration of capital, and thus the migration of labor which follows capital and at the same time depends on the disenfranchisement of its own internal workers. Labor issues will then have to become more dominant, as Roger Toussaint demonstrated during the 2005 December transit strike in New York City.
On Internationalizing Citizenship Rights, the Nation States, and the African Diaspora (or How Do We Make Pan-Africanist Politics Practical Realities)
The intent of Pan-Africanism was to make itself a practical and achievable reality, i.e. beyond the theoretical and political articulations. A great deal of work has gone into identifying the contours of the African Diaspora, and important work continues in a variety of areas, led by disciplinary meetings at most major organizational conferences and symposia and lecture series at various institutions that explore a range of angles. A few of the recent ones are identified: the African Diaspora in Europe (Paris, December 2004 and Northwestern, 2006), African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean (Goa, India, January, 2006), African Diaspora Knowledge Exchange (Miami, May, 2005), African Diaspora and the Disciplines (Madison, March, 2005), African Union various meetings on the Diaspora (2002–present), Africans in the African Diaspora (new generation) (Binghamton, April, 2006), and ASWAD (The Association for the Study of the Worldwide African Diaspora). A growing number of publications of conference proceedings, encyclopedias, and individual books in the area are creating a dynamic library of African Diaspora Studies. But will this be knowledge for its own sake?
What remains to be worked out still are the reclamation of rights in individual nation-states as well as the reconnections to a larger global reality. One of the things that Katrina revealed again is the frailty of Black citizenship rights in the nation-state that should be protecting them. Black people worldwide descended again into Hurston’s “infinity of conscious pain” as participants in and as witnesses of an epic, slave-like cycle of degradation. For this reason, it is necessary to keep open the logic of transnational citizenship for Black people. In Quitting America Randall Robinson restates a formation that W. E. B. Du Bois and Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael) as well as a range of other African Diaspora peoples have had to contend with. (i.e., that the given nation-states under which we live should not be seen as the ultimate and only possibility for existence). This is the same logic that ran through the escaped enslaved Africans like Harriet Tubman and the maroon communities or quilombos across the Diaspora.
At present several states have reciprocal, dual state membership with open possibilities for enlargement toward multi-state membership. Moves are afoot to identify an African Diaspora Citizenship that works out the rights and duties normally accorded to citizens of various member states of the African Union to those desiring citizens across the African Diaspora. Critical elements include residency, land ownership, movement, trade, communications, educational exchange, retirements, workers’ rights, refugee rights, media, political representation, and so on. Each of these elements will have to be studied seriously if we contemplate African Diaspora citizenship rights in each of our nation-state locations and see what other options exist in other locations.
Current trends in the development of transnational citizenship rights indicate that, given contemporary developments in communication and a range of other processes of globalization, the need is precisely for states to work collaboratively to ensure advancement of their well-being and the rights of their citizens in different locations. It is in the global common interest of African Diasporic peoples that we begin a process of realizing Diasporic citizenship. Since the African Diaspora is already a pre-existing demographic and cultural globalization, all it takes now is to activate its various economic and political components into some effective political and economic structure. This model ensures that those basic value categories of human rights can begin to be achieved.
The beneficiaries of our work still must be those members of the African Diaspora whose families have been removed from the continent of Africa by the forced and induced migrations of Indian Ocean, trans-Saharan, and trans-Atlantic slavery and who still suffer from subordination in a variety of locations internationally. The larger displacements that continue to exist have a means of being addressed by African peoples globally themselves, rather than being the subject of pity and continued oppression in various nation-states.
Needed is some structure to target reinvestments by those well-off in our communities. The unyielding struggle to get Black athletes to contribute to Black programs is well known. Fundraising initiatives for Black Studies programs have to be seen as having the same priority as that devoted to HBCUs for scholarships and to mainstream white institutions by alumni. Other communities do this as a matter of course. A systemic re-education process for the Black middle class who have often moved away and do not know, recognize, or understand the on-the-ground realities is also necessary.
Florida Africana Studies Consortium (FLASC)–The Consortium Model
At the local level, then, we propose a community “Re-Education Project” activated through a conference we did in 2004 on the “Miseducation/Incarceration/Re-education Nexus” in order to target, in part, children in neighboring schools, particularly those in families where was a history of incarceration. The idea is to implement the teacher education component of the Florida mandate with the purpose of closing the knowledge gap in this area and providing knowledge for transcendence.
The South Florida model then is an interactive Africana Studies model which meets (a) community educational needs through a series of partnerships and (b) academic needs of our community. While we are fortunate that there is a Florida mandate, making Florida one of the only states to have such legislation, the mandate has not been funded by the state itself. Bringing it alive has been one of the tasks of our program, and in conjunction with Miami-Dade Public Schools and a Commissioner of Education’s Task Force for African American History, we have been able to organize our program to begin to meet some of these needs.
FLASC is organized to bring together related programs and departments in the South Florida area and more broadly in the state to deliver undergraduate degrees using our joint resources, to coordinate internships for students in local, national, and international agencies. The Consortium offers academic and cultural exchange, the benefit of the South Florida pool of intellectual resources, exchange and network with national and international scholars, research and travel to conferences in the Diaspora and opportunities for students and faculty to participate in collaborative conferences, symposia and lectures through consortium institutions. So far we have organized three conferences collaboratively and a series of smaller symposia and lectures at partner institutions in South Florida.
The logic of creating an umbrella structure is that it can cushion some of the inner campus issues. In many of our meetings, faculty spoke about their isolation and marginalization on the various campuses and of the inability to deliver in one place the wide range of interests of students from across the African Diaspora. African Diaspora Studies in this model is not seen as limiting US African American Studies but reconnecting all the pieces in the dispersal so that the very issue of Black human rights internationally can be articulated.
The “gateway” is both the twenty-first century with its returning problems but also the location at one of the entry points in and out of the US. This is its benefit, but also its challenge. As African Diaspora Citizenship becomes a practical reality, there is an urgency to prepare our students who are already internationalized with the knowledge to interact progressively with the rest of the world without losing themselves.
African Diaspora culture embodies and resides within the dynamic energy of transformation. A study of any of the forms with which we work signals this, from religion to art, dance to fashion. Each of these cultural forms takes the received African traditions and in the context of place, climate, history, and material available creates something distinctly different from what it was originally, even as it carries the traces of the old. This is its “spirit of transformation,” for not only do we have a historical blueprint, but we also have new versions, which can be activated.
- Saskia Sassen, The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (Princeton University Press, 2001). ↵
- Rosalyn Howard, Black Seminoles in the Bahamas (University Presses of Florida, 2002). ↵
- In Not Only the Master’s Tools: African-American Studies in Theory and Practice, ed. Lewis R. Gordon and Jane Anna Gordon (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2006), 107–169. ↵
- See Delores P. Aldridge and Carlene Young, eds., Out of the Revolution: The Development of Africana Studies (Oxford: Lexington Books, 2000). But see also earlier works by Abdul Alkalimat, ed., Introduction to Afro-American Studies: A Peoples College primer (Chicago: Twenty-First Century Books, 1986), and, later, Manning Marable, Dispatches from the Ebony Tower: Intellectuals Confront the African American Experience (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), which engaged some of the more recent debates in Black Studies. ↵
- Pedro A. Noguera, “Anything but Black: Bringing Politics Back to the Study of Race,” in Problematizing Blackness, ed. Percy Hintzen and Jean Muteba Rahier (New York: Routledge, 2003), 193–200. ↵
- In a lecture at the African Studies Centre, by this Indian scholar at Northwestern University, 2001. ↵
- See Ajamu Dillahunt, “Solidarity Statement to the April 10, 2006 Immigration Justice Rally, Siler City, N.C.,” originally posted on H-Afro-Am net Black Workers for Justice, http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/749.html. Further studies are needed to determine if this generalization holds. ↵
- A sampling includes the following: Joseph Harris, ed., Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora (Howard University Press, 1993); Okpewho et al., eds., The African Diaspora: African Identities and New World Self-Fashionings (Indiana University Press, 1996); Darlene Clark Hine, ed., Crossing Boundaries: Comparative History of Black People in the Diaspora (Indiana University Press); Carole Boyce Davies et al., eds. Decolonizing the Academy: African Diaspora Studies (Africa World Press, 2002); Brent Hayes Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Harvard University Press, 2003); Michael Gomez, Reversing Sail: A History of the African Diaspora (Cambridge University Press, 2003); and the forthcoming Encyclopedia of the African Diaspora (ABC-CLIO, 2007). ↵
- Randall Robinson, Quitting America: The Departure of a Black Man from His Native Land (New York: Dutton, 2004). ↵
- This is already in place in the Ghana and Ethiopia, and several countries like Trinidad and Tobago have dual citizenship options. ↵
- Enrolled 1994, Florida Legislature, Section 1003.42(2)(g), Florida Statutes 1003.42 (2)(g) Required instruction: Members of the instructional staff of the public schools, subject to the rules and regulations of the state board and of the school board, shall teach efficiently and faithfully, using the books and materials required, following the prescribed courses of study, and employing approved methods of instruction the following: (f) The history of African Americans, including the history of African peoples before the political conflicts that led to the development of slavery, the passage to America, the enslavement experience, abolition, and the contributions of African Americans to Society. ↵
- See Carole Boyce Davies, “Grounding African Diaspora Scholarship for Community Transformation,” Chimera: USA African Institute Journal, Spring 2003. ↵